From 1946 to 2014, what about these rates?

From 1946 to 2014, what about these rates?

During the election evening, power was cut at critical hours in several parts of Turkey, from the eastern city of Urfa to Istanbul’s Üsküdar, to the Central Anatolian town of Eskişehir. Election results were processed late on the website of the Supreme Election Board (YSK). There are hundreds of complaints about election security.

This election reminds us of the 1946 elections, which stand out as a black stain in our history. There were ballot papers found in trash cans, ballots in bags, different numbers in protocols and tabulations; the claims are numerous. Distrust is quite widespread, more than ever before since 1946. These many objections stem from insecurity. The objections are not just lip service; they are concrete.
This is all fine, but there is another side to the medallion.

I’m looking at the rate that the main opposition the Republican People’s Party (CHP) obtained in several provinces. It’s not only in the east and the southeast, but there are incredibly low rates also in Central Anatolia and the Black Sea. Some of the percentages of how many votes the CHP received in some provinces are as follows: 

Afyon 5.36, Ağrı 0.78, Bingöl 0.61, Bitlis 0.9, Çankırı 1.32, Diyarbakır 1.30, Erzurum 1.59, Gümüşhane 3.56, Hakkâri 1.43, Konya 5.74, Kütahya 1.61, Mardin 0.88, Muş 1.21, Nevşehir 1.82, Rize 4.94, Sivas 4.84, Tokat 5.28, Urfa 0.82, Yozgat 1.53, Bayburt 0.89, Van, 0.73, Kırıkkale 2.86, Kilis 3.03, Karabük 2.61, Düzce 3.97, Şırnak 1.54, Iğdır 0.74.

Looking at the number of votes in other cities, for example in the Central Anatolian city Konya, 2,094,335 votes were used and the CHP received just 68,359 of them. In Karabük, the CHP received 1,732 votes out of the total 66,521 votes. In Urfa, out of 802,059 votes, the CHP got only 6,591. In Kütahya, out of 136,437 votes, the CHP received 2,202. In Erzurum, out of 380,674 votes, the CHP got 6,092. In Bayburt, the CHP got only 174 votes out of 19,617.

There is a grave situation here. In these provinces where the CHP existence is almost none, at certain times, the same party has been able to send a few deputies to Parliament.

Why is it so now? The CHP, without getting involved in fights and complexes, should thoroughly debate this situation internally.

The Justice and Development Party (AK Party) is winning elections one after the other despite corruption claims, despite its authoritarian identity, despite the collapse of rule of law, despite the restrictions of freedoms, despite it continuing with a fragile economy for the sake of “economic stability.”  

The weaknesses of the CHP and the fact that centrist parties dissolved, carried the AK Party to power, despite the dynamic opposition of around 55 percent.

More than half the population is concerned, feels itself alienated, and there is a polarized society, but the AK Party is right on track with 45 percent.

There is no sign that polarization will decrease. On the contrary, maybe it will further increase. In this environment, the CHP has to shake itself down. Just look at these vote rates.

Where are you?

When Twitter was closed, no kidding, 9 million Twitter users were protesting. All of them are voters; well, where are they? 

The Fenerbahçe football club has 25 million supporters. They either walk to Anıtkabir in Ankara or they march in Baghdad Street in Istanbul. They constantly protest the government in matches. Where are they?

The Gülen community is determined; they were engaged in a fight with the AK Party till death. Where are they?

With varying sizes of opposition groups they make a majority of 55 percent but they are scattered and not organized. And looking at election results, one is looking for them: Where are you?