Algerian football violence signs mounting discontent
James M. Dorsey Hürriyet Daily News
Algerian football fans celebrate their team’s victory over Libya during a 2013 African Nations Cup qualifying match. The end of the game has staged a massive brawl between players and fans. REUTERS photoAn upsurge in football-related violence in Algeria serves as a warning that 18 months after the government quelled mass protests with increased wages and social spending, frustration is mounting with the failure of the country’s gerontocracy — in control since independence — to share power with a younger generation, create jobs and address housing problems.
Kuwait news agency reported that in the latest incident dozens of people, including a player, were injured when supporters of Jeunesse Sportive de la Saoura (JSS) stormed the pitch during a premier league match in their home stadium in Meridja in the eastern province of Bechar against Algiers-based Union Sportive de la Médina d’El Harrach (USM). The incident followed a massive brawl in September between players and fans after a Libya-Algeria Africa Cup of Nations qualifier.
Relations between the two countries have been strained since Algeria refused to support last year’s NATO-backed popular revolt that overthrew Libyan leader Moammar Qaddafi. Algeria has since granted refuge to Qaddafi’s wife Safiya and his daughter Aisha. One of his sons, Hannibal, is also believed to be in Algeria. Libya apologized last month after hundreds of Libyan fans surrounded the Algerian embassy in Tripoli and rippled the Algerian emblem from the building and burned an Algerian flag.
Nucleus of protest
Stadiums have long been a nucleus of protest in football-crazy Algeria. A 2007 diplomatic cable sent by the U.S. embassy in Algiers and disclosed by Wikileaks linked a football protest in the desert city of Boussaada to demonstrations in the western port city of Oran sparked by the publication of a highly contentious list of government housing recipients. The cable warned that “this kind of disturbance appears likely to remain so unless the government offers diversions other than football and improves the quality of life of its citizens.”
Mass protests early last year initially suggested that Algeria would join the first wave of Arab nations whose leaders had been toppled. The government quelled the unrest by hiking salaries and social spending on the back of its oil and gas revenues that have enabled it to build up foreign reserves in excess of $186 billion. The government also benefitted from the fact that many Algerians, who vividly recall the violence of the 1990s that left some 100,000 people dead, have become cautious because of the chaos in post-Qaddafi Libya and the civil war in Syria.
As a result, a tacit understanding has emerged between Algerian football fans and security forces that hooligans could express their grievances as long as they did it in the stadiums.
Discontent over lack of water, housing, electricity, jobs and salaries pervades the country, sparking almost daily protests inside and outside the stadiums and clashes with security forces. A quarter of the Algerian population lives under the poverty line and unemployment is rampant. More than 70 percent of Algeria’s 37 million-large population is under 30 and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) puts youth unemployment at 21 percent. Protests earlier this year in oil and gas cities, symbolic of simmering discontent, have gone viral on social media. Football matches were suspended during last year’s mass protests and again during legislative elections in May of this year.
‘A sense of belonging’
“In a context of political closure, a lack of serious political debates and projects for society and of a weakened political society, football stadia become one of the few occasions for the youth to gather, to feel a sense of belonging [for 90 minutes at least], to express their frustrations over their socio-economic condition, to mock the symbol of the state’s authority and to transgress the boundary of [imposed] political order and institutionalized language, or the narrative of the state’s political and moral legitimacy,” cautioned Algerian football scholar Mahfoud Amara in the book “Sport, Politics and Society in the Arab World,” published earlier this year.
Just how close discontent is to the breaking point is likely to become clear in the coming months as the government, apparently convinced that it has gained the upper hand, prepares to cut back on social spending that helped restore order. The government’s draft budget for next year envisions a 11.2 percent cutback.
Algeria’s fragility is reinforced by its political uncertainty. With 75-year-old Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika ill and unlikely to run for a fourth term, it remains unclear who in the country’s dying leadership will take over after presidential elections in 2014. Two of the country’s past presidents, 96-year-old Ahmed Ben Bella and 82-year-old Chadli Benjedid, have already died this year. “Bouteflika is in love with his throne, he wants another term,” is a popular chant in stadiums.
The sense that the government feels confident and may, if necessary, opt for strong arm tactics rather than reform was reinforced earlier this year when General Bachir Tartag was recalled from retirement to head the Directorate for Internal Security (DSI). Gen. Tartag, who is believed to be in his sixties, made a name for himself during the civil war against the Islamists in the 1990s as one of Algeria’s most notorious hardliners and a brutal military commander.
The appointment positions him as a potential successor to aging Algerian spy chief Gen. Mohamed ‘Tewfik’ Mediene, widely viewed as the number two within the Algerian regime. Algeria has moreover recently adopted a number of laws that emphasize security rather than reform and impose restrictions on the media, associations and political parties, which according to Amnesty International violate international conventions signed by Algeria.