Or are we all turning into Devotees Residents of Haliç?
HDN | 8/31/2010 12:00:00 AM | CÜNEYT ÜLSEVER
The genie of intrigue in the inner workings of the structure of the Turkish state has been released from the bottle once again with the publication of Hanefi Avcı’s new book
I am of the opinion that there were two milestones in deciphering the state structure in Turkey. The first of these was the Susurluk accident, the second the Ergenekon crime-gang case.
Now, we have a third: the publication of Hanefi Avcı’s book, “Haliç’te Yaşayan Simonlar: Dün Devlet Bugün Cemaat” (Devotee Residents of Haliç: Yesterday State, Today Religious Congregation).
No matter how hard one tries to eliminate the genie of intrigue in the inner workings of the structure of the Turkish state, it has been released from the bottle once again with the help of Avcı’s book, and will not go back in unless minds and consciences are convinced.
We wouldn’t know how much Avcı is aware that as he set to decipher the actions of the “Devotees Living in Haliç,” he would also expose the Devotees in the media.
I am ashamed to see in the Turkish media so many Devotees, who falsify the content of books without reading them, lie and easily fool readers.
Avcı makes some horrifying claims in his 588-page book. However, I will only summarize the few that are of interest to me:
Firstly, Avcı says that he personally informed the Interior and Justice Ministries, the undersecretary of the Prime Ministry, the prime minister’s chief adviser, the chief prosecutor of Istanbul, the acting chief prosecutor of the civil court and the security director about his claims and about submitting to the said offices applications whose original copies he had already published. But for eight months, he received no answer. (pp. 480-504)
On Jan. 28, 2010, the Security Department asked Avcı to withdraw his application. (p. 492)
If his claims are accurate, are the individuals not guilty for not doing anything? If the claims are false, shouldn’t they be corrected?
Secondly, Avcı claims that the Security Department’s Intelligence Unit Directorate owns special, unlisted wiretapping equipment. He asked the officials listed above, “What did you do for that?” (pp. 541-542)
Thirdly, Avcı says that the intelligence director personally informed the Justice Ministry on Jan. 12, 2010 about a collection of permissions for wiretapping which were obtained and are applied only on special conditions without releasing any names or phone numbers of the persons tapped, but IMEI on phones only. (p. 492)
Avcı gives details of how he was illegally monitored. Why did the justice minister do anything about this?
Fourth, in different sections of the book, Avcı asserts that GSMs can only be tapped by the state, and special eavesdrops can be caught 100 percent of the time. In a country where everyone is anxious about being monitored, who has been caught illegally wiretapping so far?
Fifth, are there members of the Gülen community who have allegedly infiltrated in the judiciary, the Security Department and KOM, who work together to eliminate their “rivals” and falsify documents by violating laws? (p. 435)
If there are, why does the government not expose them? As Avcı claims, are these individuals also eavesdropping on key state and government officials, too?
Sixth, Avcı makes serious accusations about Prosecutor with Special Authority Mehmet Berk, who requested the arrest of the police chief in connection with a drugs case. Avcı claims that Berk achieved the impossible and read seven dossiers, nine CD’s worth of appendices, within a few hours. He even increased the number of suspects to over 20 in a file in which the Ankara prosecutor only found six. (p. 449)
Prosecutor Berk fiercely denies the claims (Sabah daily, Aug. 28, 2010). Someone is definitely lying, but who?
Will Berk sue Avcı for seriously incriminating him?