OPINION
• EMRE DELİVELİ
Thursday, July 29 2010 19:55 GMT+2
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A little EMFathy with Greece

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These days, I am trying to find a good lawyer so that I can sue German finance minister Wolfgang Schäuble for copyright infringement.

During my stint at D.C., I was scheming on setting up a competing monetary fund at the empty lot across the street from the IMF and call it the EMF, or Emre’s Monetary Fund. This ingenious idea never took off because somehow, I wasn’t able to solve the financing. Mr. Schäuble came up with the same acronym last week, suggesting a European Monetary Fund, which would act as a lender of last resort to cash-strapped countries such as Greece.

There are two ways to interpret this sudden outburst. First, you can see it as the latest attempt at showing a little empathy with Greece, now that the country has given in to pressure for more austerity. So, Greece’s misfortunes are not a result of its profligate government, but the evil rating agencies that had downgraded its government bonds so that they became at risk of not being eligible as collateral at the European Central Bank, or the immoral speculators that had bet against those bonds.

If you buy these arguments, you’d think that a ban on naked trading of sovereign credit default swaps, or CDSs, as suggested recently by France and Germany, would prevent future Greek tragedies. After all, such a ban on investors who do not hold the bonds that they are insured against defaults would weed out the speculators from the risk hedgers.

While there is some merit to this reasoning, the CDS market is not as large or influential as it has been touted in the media. Besides, the direction of causality went from bond yields to their underlying CDS in the Greek melee. Then, supporters of the naked ban have yet to explain what they are planning to do about the jump in actual bond yields.

German Central Bank President Axel Weber’s suggestion that the European Central Bank could decide to lend against lower-rated bonds at more punitive terms is a step ahead of the naked ban, but it would simply be a temporary patch.

I doubt that Mr. Schäuble and the EU’s top brass are so short-sighted. They perfectly understand that Greece’s deteriorating public finances were a direct consequence of establishing a monetary union without an accompanying fiscal and political union. That’s why you see remarks on fiscal monitoring in between the lines of the EMF proponents.

And that’s precisely why the EMF idea is so difficult to realize. Not only the EMF could not be set up without a change to the EU treaty, member countries would not want to let go of their public finances, especially after they have already let go of their monetary policy and exchange rate flexibility. Setting up a cash coffer without an accompanying IMF-like mechanism would then be an open invitation to all countries to go on a spending extravaganza.

But the Greek empathizers are right to note that the issue is not really about the irresponsible Greek government. Argentinean economist Guillermo Calvo once said that we don’t know much about economics other than accounting identities, and the accounting identity I have in mind is that a country current’s account balance is equal to its private saving investment and fiscal balances.

As Financial Times’s Martin Wolf recently noted, this is really a crisis about the large imbalances inside the EU when you look at it through that lens: The Greeks and others were able to spend so much only because the Germans chose to spend so little. And while no one could deny that Greece ran irresponsible fiscal policy for many years, the story was one of the profligate Greek consumer and her frugal German counterpart, at least until recently.

Then, maybe, the Germans need not look far away for a fix to EU’s woes, after all…

Emre Deliveli is a freelance consultant and columnist for Hurriyet Daily News & Economic Review, Forbes and RGE Economonitor. Read his economics blog at http://emredeliveli.blogspot.com.


 

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READER COMMENTS

Guest - Dinos Plassaras
2010-03-17 14:18:55
  Also Emre-since you brought up Germany's case(excerpt from DW). Germany has been running high trade imbalances with peripheral countries. Germany has a deep trade imbalance with its European neighbors. Simply put, this means that Germany exports a far larger amount of goods to so-called peripheral European countries, while those peripheral countries have not produced enough goods to make their export market profitable. This is good for Germany, as exports fuel its economy. However, this is bad for its neighbors, who have run up large amounts of debt purchasing German products without increasing the money they are making to pay for these goods. The relationship between Germany and its European neighbors is similar to the one between China and the United States. The US buys $20 billion more goods from China than China does from the United States. This has led to tension between the two countries. The United States has accused the Chinese government of keeping exchange rates between the dollar and the yuan artificially low, while Beijing criticizes Washington for spending too much. Germany and its European neighbors, however, share the same currency. The inability of one EU member to repay what it has spent directly affects German economic health. Right now, the euro zone is united by a common monetary policy, but it lacks common fiscal policies. For instance, actions in Greece have the ability to influence the German economy through their effect on the euro. But Germany has no say in the spending policies that got Greece into the crisis in the first place. "The lesson is that Europe needs to work out some common fiscal policy to compliment the common monetary policy.Correcting the trade imbalance softens the imbalances of power."
 

Guest - Dinos Plassaras
2010-03-15 19:09:20
  @Emre- Let me say in turn that I do not advocate irresponsible fiscal policies under any circumstances, Greek, Turkish or otherwise. It would be great help at the moment for Greece to be able to rollover its debt in the 2-3% range instead of almost double at 6+%. Some simple guarantees from the EU( @ no cost) ought to do the trick.
 

Guest - Dinos Plassaras
2010-03-15 14:30:26
  @Emre- BTW you may find this NYT article à pro·pos: http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/16/business/global/16rating.html
 

Guest - Emre Deliveli
2010-03-15 14:16:00
  @ Dinos: I agree with you, but two right don't do one wrong: All I am saying is that if you set up a cash coffer, which won't benefit Greece anyway (as Orhan has noted), without the fiscal monitoring and penalties that come with IMF programs, other countries will have an incentive to run irresponsible fiscal policy at the expense of the Germans. That's why Schauble, in his latest FT oped, spent a lot of time discussing such mechanisms.
 

Guest - Dinos Plassaras
2010-03-15 14:05:04
  @Emre- The moral hazard issue has been in full view since the bailout of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. As with pregnancy there is no such thing as being " a little pregnant", as there is no thing as practicing "moral hazard under controlled conditions". Emre, at least we owe each other some intellectual honesty; what you think as European moral hazard has already been out of the bag across the Atlantic.
 

Guest - Emre Deliveli
2010-03-15 13:45:15
  @Orhan: You are right on target by saying that the EMF will not solve Greece's problems; that's one of the reasons its opponents such as Bundesbank's Axel Weber dismiss it as a sideshow. But I go further that even when it gets set up, it might be a bane rather than boon if it does not avert the moral hazard issue I discuss in the article, i.e. cash without conditionality. @Dinos: The problem is that the fact that everyone is frugal in the EU would mean that the union would be running large current account surpluses; think in terms of the accounting identity I mention in the article. This would not bode well with EU's trading partners. Martin Wolf explains this concept really well,m; I highly recommend last Wednesday's column.
 

Guest - Dinos Plassaras
2010-03-15 12:00:51
  In offering a strong vote of confidence in the new Greek government, Christine Lagarde said in a Wall Street Journal interview that Greece had "for once, over-delivered from what was expected" in terms of legislation intended to cut spending. Whereas she had expected cuts worth 1.5% of gross domestic product, the government had come up with 2%, she said. “At this point in time, it does not need help,” Lagarde told the Financial Times. “It was able to raise capital quite constructively and positively with financial terms that were not totally unreasonable, which demonstrated that the market has appetite for Greek debt – so, as far as we are concerned, there is no such need.” There is speculation that a bailout plan for Greece, worth in the range of €20 billion to €25 billion, will be discussed. Whether any loan guarantees or loans would be provided by all Eurozone countries or just some member countries has yet to be resolved.
 

Guest - Dinos Plassaras
2010-03-15 10:20:38
  In my humble opinion there is already an EU solution for the Greek crisis, albeit not openly advertised. The reason for its "low key" status is to prevent Pandora's box with other Mediterranean economies which are sure to demand similar aid for their economies. As Emre points out in this article, Germans are frugal and economically conservative and of course they have every reason to demand a regimented discipline for member states.
 

Guest - Orhan Ertu[rulo[lu
2010-03-15 09:45:56
  The EU wants to handle its family problem inside the family.The Greece cannot be kicked out, but there must not be a default on its debt. `cos loans to Greece might torpedo the European banks and recovery. The plans for aa EM Fund came too late to solve Greece's problems. Allowing IMF to step in would be to admit defeat- to admit that Euro countries can't solve their ownn problems. But if the problems in Greece escalate despite austerity measures the country eventually has only one option-the IMF. It will take years to set up the EMF. And EMF has to be very tough. The EMF could only be successful if it could set hard budgetary demands and enforce them.
 

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